Australian government won’t back public views of special envoys on antisemitism and Islamophobia | Australian politics

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The Australian government is seeking to create some distance from its new special envoys on antisemitism and Islamophobia, suggesting they do not characterise their comments as official government policy.

Documents obtained by Guardian Australia reveal the instructions the government has given its new special envoy to combat antisemitism, Jillian Segal, including the need to highlight “diverse Jewish Australian identities”.

Similar guidance has been prepared for the yet-to-be-named special envoy to combat Islamophobia, although the government has struggled to make that appointment amid concerns in the Islamic community about its purpose.

Segal, a former president of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry who said last year “there can be no ceasefire [in Gaza] until every hostage has been released”, was appointed by Anthony Albanese in July.

According to the terms of reference for both positions, obtained under freedom of information laws, the Department of Home Affairs will provide “strategic communications and policy support” but not back their public commentary.

“All communications of the Special Envoy will be attributed to the Special Envoy and not the Department of Home Affairs, the Prime Minister, the Minister for Immigration, Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs or the Australian Government as a whole,” both documents state.

Community organisations in Australia have documented sharp increases in antisemitism and also anti-Palestinian racism, Islamophobia and anti-Arab hostility after the 7 October Hamas attacks and Israel’s ongoing military response.

The documents show similarities between the terms of reference for each envoy.

For example, the document for the antisemitism envoy states: “Antisemitism has a long history both in Australia and internationally, with a significant increase since the 7 October 2023 Hamas terrorist attacks on Israel, the ongoing conflict and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

“This has given rise to the increasing urgency of addressing Antisemitism in the domestic Australian context.”

The second document uses identical language in this section but with Islamophobia substituted in place of antisemitism.

However, the documents differ in how they describe the effect of the problem on Australian society as a whole.

The first says surging antisemitic incidents “threaten the safety and security not only of Australia’s Jewish community but also of Australia as a whole and its future as a peaceful, free, cohesive and diverse multicultural society”.

But the second document says surging discrimination and harassment of Muslim Australians “points to further work that needs to be done to counteract harmful perceptions, stereotypes and behaviours”.

It adds: “Muslim Australians, like all Australians, have the right to feel safe and secure; and their safety and security will in turn contribute to Australia’s future as a peaceful, free, cohesive and diverse multicultural society.”

Both envoys are to serve a three-year term and report directly to the prime minister and the immigration minister. The minister was Andrew Giles at the time the documents were prepared but he has since been replaced by Tony Burke.

The two envoys are required to “assist and advise” the government in six key areas, including finding ways “to strengthen broad social cohesion, including fostering inter-faith dialogue, for all Australians”.

They will provide advice on “policy development, legislation, campaigns” and programs to combat antisemitism or Islamophobia “across online and social media, traditional media, and within education, arts, culture and industry sectors”.

The envoys will also be required to promote “public awareness and understanding of the impacts” of antisemitism or Islamophobia by highlighting the ongoing contributions of Jewish Australians and Muslim Australians “and combatting stereotypes and misinformation in communication channels”.

They must support efforts to “address systemic and interpersonal racism, hate speech, discrimination and divisive language” including antisemitism and Islamophobia.

The immigration minister, Tony Burke. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP

This could be done “through public education and awareness, through engaging in media opportunities, facilitating roundtables and participating in public discussion”.

In addition to the terms of reference, Guardian Australia applied for the definitions of antisemitism and Islamophobia to be used by each envoy.

But the Department of Home Affairs declined the request, stating: “The Department does not hold any existing discrete documents that contain the information you are seeking.”

Guardian Australia has sought comment from Burke, including on the definitions to be used and why the hiring of the Islamophobia envoy has hit a snag.

In 2021, Segal welcomed “a watershed” moment when the Morrison government embraced the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, which has the strong backing of the ECAJ.

But one of the drafters of the IHRA definition argued in 2019 that rightwing groups had “weaponised” it to target criticism of Israel.

The IHRA states manifestations of antisemitism “might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity”, but adds “criticism of Israel similar to that levelled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic”.

It outlines contemporary examples of antisemitism, including “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, eg, by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour”.

Segal told reporters when she was appointed the IHRA definition was “a useful tool” but she would avoid commenting on potential legislative changes until she had had time to “do a serious review”.


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